Printing Òlas AmŽricasÓ 

                             

 

                             

 

Impressio Librorum [Book Printing]: Plate 4 of the Nova Reperta [New Discoveries] by Theodor Galle (Flemish, 1571 - 1633) after Jan van der Straet (Netherlands, 1523 - 1605). Antwerp: Philips Galle, late 16th Century.

 

These texts and images, originally written and drawn by individuals, were then transferred into typeface and woodcut blocks, printed, and circulated widely.  The printing press facilitated the process of integrating these texts and images into a system of representation.  In fact this was one of the key impacts the printing press had on the production and circulation of knowledge in western and northern Europe.  Images, maps and diagrams could be mechanically reproduced in quantities larger then previously seen, and at a speed faster than ever possible, creating the opportunity of an Òexactly repeatable pictorial statement.Ó[1]

In the groundbreaking book, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change, Elizabeth Eisenstein argues that typography arrested linguistic drift, meaning, that the print machine helped enrich as well as standardize vernaculars, and paved the way for the more deliberate purification and codification of all major European languages.  Eisenstein discusses these themes as they relate to shifts in labor dynamics, and religious and scientific revolutions. 

However almost nothing is said in her book about how the print machine impacted the Americas.  It was against this precise backdrop of standardization, purification, codification and nationalization in European book production that, for example, Hernan Cortez was ordering the destruction of Indigenous Nahuatl books and records.  In fact in 1573 the Spanish Crown went so far as to illegalize any written reference to Indigenous ways of knowing.  An edict was issued stating, ÒUnder no consideration should any person whatsoever write things touching on the superstitions and manner of life which these Indians formerly had.Ó[2] So the unrestrained proliferation of books such as Paesi  Nouamente Retrovati that distributed these stereotypical narratives of Amazons and cannibals in the Americas, was paralleled by the prohibition of reproducing books detailing Indigenous epistemologies, particularly those written by Indigenous peoples themselves.

The effect of an Òexactly repeatable pictorial statementÓ that only represented the Americas in highly problematic ways was that it standardized and reproduced words and images about people in the Americas, manipulating the lens through which a subject could be understood, even delimiting what aspects could be thought about.  This phenomenon coupled with the dissemination of the printed book to a scattered array of readers helps explain the conditions for producing stereotypes. 

As new editions and translations of books regarding the Americas were printed, there remained a steadfast representation of the people as (for example) lawless cannibals and societies of Amazons.  These reproductions were a key aspect of the material conditions for producing a stereotypical notion of people in the Americas.

To put this in a global context:  Just as printing favored the growth of the Reformation, so it helped mould modern European languages.  During the 16th century, there took place a process of unification and consolidation that established fairly large territories wherein a single language was written.[3]  The contemporary development of the idea of a Òterritorial languageÓ which would later transform into the Ònational language,Ó as they exist today, was happening at the same time and in response to the encounter with southern Africa, the Americas and India.  While modern European languages were defining themselves into heterogeneous, autonomous entities there was also the simultaneous process of defining the people of the Americas as homogenous, abnormally gendered and subordinate to Europeans generally.  Arguably, the dissolution of a common Latin culture was replaced by the affirmations of local difference in Rome, Italy, Germany, France, Spain, and Britain, all consolidated by the printing press. [4]  Yet this shift didnÕt signal the total collapse of a sense of a shared location in the world.  What we see, instead, is the rise of an implicitly gendered notion of Òthe EuropeanÓ taking firm hold.

The monies that were flowing into the countries of Spain and France from the new colonies were facilitating the centralization of ÒnationalÓ monarchies, and publishers wanting to ever expand their markets, encouraged the standardization of languages over a large area so as to be able to sell their products as easily and cheaply to as wide an audience as possible.[5] All this was occurring in the context of cross-Atlantic expansion, a growing African and Amerindian slave trade and the establishment of new colonies where literacy was regulated to only perpetuate European systems of power.[6]

The gendered discourse in books regarding Indigenous peoples of the Americas would have a lasting negative impact and would be key to the solidification of a particular notion of European masculinity.  What we commonly refer to today as differences of race, gender and economy must be recognized not as entirely separate categories that intersect only occasionally, but rather as always already intertwined categorizations across difference with a shared history in the colonization of the Americas and the expansion of the Atlantic Slave trade.

By way of conclusion, the link between the representations of Amerindian, African, Asian and European people as mutually constitutive, which I have sought to elucidate herein, has been largely neglected in cultural studies scholarship.  Its sexual dynamic, specifically the representation of Indigenous people as Amazons, cannibals and lascivious women as so clearly illustrated in early woodcuts and books such as Paesi Nouamente Retrovati (1507), were constitutive in the emergence of ideas surrounding the Americas, and in the emergence of race itself as a dominant organizing principle of social and economic relations.  Examining the key role of sexuality in the early representation of Òthe AmericasÓ exposes it as playing a key role in justifying and even naturalizing trans-Atlantic violence.  In so doing, it brings forth the possibility of asking new or more nuanced questions with regards to gender, particularly as it is constructed in racialized contexts.

 

<VI|HOME>

 

 



[1] See William M. Ivins Jr., Prints and Visual Communication (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953).

[2] Lewis Hanke, BartolomŽ de Las Casas: Bookman, Scholar and Propagandist (Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 1952), 29.

[3] Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book, (New York: Verso, 1997), 319.

[4] Febvre and Martin end their book lamenting about the fragmentation of the world of letters by the 1600Õs.  They ask: ÒWhat did the French know about Shakespeare in the 17th century?  Or about contemporary German writing in the 18th century?Ó This may be true but it does not mean the provincializing of their privilege and power in the production of knowledge on a global scale, quite the opposite—they soon become the centers of power, equally implicated in the global production of knowledge about ÒEuropeÓ vis-ˆ-vis non-Europe. See Febvre and Martin, The Coming of the Book, 332.

[5] Febvre and Martin, The Coming of the Book, 320.

[6] See Robert T. JimŽnez, The History of Reading and the Uses of Literacy in Colonial Mexico (Champaign: University of Illinois, Center for the Study of Reading, 1990).